Testimony of Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain (27)

I am Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyaian. I am currently serving as the advisor to the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Co-operatives affairs, and the Ministry of Youth and Sports of the interim government. In the 2024 mass uprising, I was a coordinator of the Anti- discrimination Student Movement. The movement for the reform of the quota system in government jobs had been going on for a long time. In 2018, this quota system reform movement spread nationwide on a large scale. As a result, the then Hasina-led government was pressured and forced to completely abolish the quota system from the first and second-class jobs. I also actively participated in the 2018 movement.

A writ petition was filed in the High Court Division against the order abolishing the quota. On June 5, 2024, the High Court Division declared the circular abolishing the quota illegal and reinstated the quota system. Against this verdict, we immediately held a protest rally at Dhaka University. Then, the Eid-ul-Adha vacation began. That year, after the Eid vacation, we resumed the movement from July 1. From July 1 to July 14, the movement continued peacefully across the country in educational institutions and district towns .

On July 14, 2024, we submitted a memorandum to the President. That evening, Sheikh Hasina, in a press conference, made provocative remarks by contemptuously calling the protestors “grandchildren of Razakars”. In protest, students from various halls of Dhaka University, including the female halls, broke the gate locks and gathered in front of Raju Sculpture. There, the protesting students chanted slogans like, “Who am I, who are you? Razakar, Razakar! Who said it, who said it? Autocrat, autocrat!”. From then on, the movement gained a new dimension.

The next day, the General Secretary of the Bangladesh Awami League, Obaidul Quader, made a provocative statement to the effect that “Chhatra League is enough to quell the movement.” Immediately after his statement, Chhatra League cadres from Dhaka University, along with outsider chatra league cadres, launched armed attacks on the peaceful student protestors.

Hundreds of students were seriously injured and bled as a result of the attack. Among them, the number of female students was also significant. When the injured students went to Dhaka Medical College for treatment, Chhatra League also attacked them there. In protest of this attack, a protest program was held across the country on July 16. That day, while protesting at Shaheed Minar, I came to know that Abu Sayed, the coordinator of Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur, was martyred in police firing. Later, I came to know that a total of six people, including Wasim from Chittagong, were martyred across the country that day.

On July 17, we observed a coffin procession and absentee funeral prayer program in protest of this massacre. At that time, due to ethical reasons this movement was no longer limited to the demand for quota reform. Before observing the absentee funeral prayer program at Raju Sculpture, the police fired tear gas shells and sound grenades at the protestors. From there, the police arrested two others, including the former social welfare secretary of DUCSU, Akhter Hossain. To avoid confrontation, we performed the absentee funeral prayer in the VC Chottor.

After the prayer, as soon as the coffin procession began, the police attacked us. We were trapped

 

in the hall area on the north side of Dhaka University. That day, hundreds of protestors, including coordinator Abdul Hannan Masud, were injured in the police attack. That day, Dhaka University, along with all other universities, was declared closed. After that, we decided to announce a nationwide program, and the next day, on July 18, 2024, we observed a complete shutdown across the country. On July 18, police, Awami League, and its allied organizations extensively opened fire on protestors throughout the nation. That day, we received news that about 29 people were martyred. Meanwhile, various intelligence agencies contacted us to withdraw the movement. We continued the complete shutdown. That day, under government patronage, various important establishments across the country were set on fire, and the blame was put on the protestors.

Many cases were filed against the protestors. A massive crackdown with block raids took place.

That night, the government shut down the internet. On July 19, we continued our program. We observed a complete shutdown on July 19. On this day, bullets were fired and tear gas shells were thrown from helicopters at the protestors. Moreover, to suppress the movement, protestors were shot at extensively and indiscriminately. As a result, we received news of over a hundred deaths across the country. That night, from the Niketan area of Gulshan in Dhaka, some people in white clothes, identifying themselves as DB police, picked me up in a microbus, putting a black hood over my head. That same night, coordinator Nahid Islam was also abducted. The room where I was taken and kept, I later realized—after visiting Aynaghar in the Dhaka Cantonment area post-August 5th—that it was the same place. There, I was pressured to provide a video message withdrawing the movement. When I refused, they pushed an injection and made me unconscious.

On the morning of July 24th, they left me at that same place in Niketan. After being released, I was admitted to Gono Shasthaya Nagar Hospital for treatment. Coordinator Nahid Islam was also admitted to the same hospital. At the hospital, people from various intelligence agencies kept us under surveillance. Our mobile phones were taken away, and communication was cut off.

On July 26, 2024, while undergoing treatment at Gono Shasthaya Hospital, myself, Nahid Islam, and Abu Baker Majumder were forcibly taken from the hospital to the DB office, where they continued to pressure us to withdraw the movement. On July 27, coordinators Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam were taken to the DB office. On July 28, coordinator Nusrat Tabassum was also forcibly brought to the DB office. At one point, our family members were also brought to the DB office and forced to publicize in the media that we were in good health.

The then DB chief, Harunur Rashid (DB Harun), and the DC of Ramna Zone, Humayun Kabir, continued to pressure and threaten us to withdraw the movement. We were pressured and intimidated to meet the then Prime Minister and Home Minister to withdraw the movement. We were repeatedly told that we were picked up on the orders of the Prime Minister and Home Minister and were being pressured to withdraw the movement. There were instructions from the Prime Minister and Home Minister that we would be killed if we did not agree to withdraw the movement, however, according to them they mercifully kept us alive.

The DB forced us to sign and read a written statement, which was then video-recorded on a mobile phone and broadcast in the media. While in detention at the DB office, we began a hunger strike until death. After a continuous 32-hour hunger strike, when our condition deteriorated, we were released on August 1st. After being released, I gave a statement to the nation, explaining that the video message had been obtained by force, and announced that the movement would continue. On August 3, 2024, at the Central Shaheed Minar, we announced a one-point demand for the fall of the government and the abolition of the fascist system. Simultaneously, we declared a non-cooperation movement. People from all walks of life expressed their solidarity with this program.

On August 4, 2024, the non-cooperation movement program was observed nationwide.
Centrally, our program was held at Shahbagh. That evening, our assembly site was fired upon, killing at least four people. Countless protesting students and civilians were injured. That afternoon, a nationwide protest and the “March to Dhaka” program were announced to be held on August 5th and 6th respectively.

We came to know that the law enforcement agencies, Awami League, and its allied organizations were making extensive preparations to counter this program. For this reason, after discussing with the coordinators, I changed the subsequent program within two hours, advancing the “March to Dhaka” program to August 5th instead of the 6th, and broadcast a video message on social media calling for its observance.

On August 5, 2024, from dawn, the general public from all over the country started heading towards Dhaka to observe the “March to Dhaka” program. I, along with coordinator Abu Baker Majumder and coordinator Moazzem Hossain, tried to go towards the Shaheed Minar through Chankharpul. At that time, we saw that members of the police and APBn, positioned at Nazimuddin Road and the Chankharpul area, were firing at the protestors.

It was around 11:00 AM then.

That day, about 400 to 500 protestors were positioned at the Chankharpul area. We saw protestors getting injured one by one by police gunfire. We arranged to take the injured to the hospital. There, the police fired tear gas shells and sound grenades at the protestors and used shotguns and Chinese rifles to shoot them. In front of me, two protestors were killed by police gunfire.

Later, I came to know that on that day, six protestors, including Anas, Ismamul, and Yakub, were killed by police firing in the Chankharpul area. A large procession came from Jatrabari. Around 2:00 PM, the police left that area. Around 1:30 PM, we learned that Sheikh Hasina had resigned and fled the country. After this, we started a procession towards Gonobhaban. On the way, we saw a stream of people heading towards Gonobhaban from all directions. Around 4:00 PM, we reached the Parliament House area.

Subsequently, we learned that during the July mass uprising, over 1,500 students and civilians were killed, and more than 30,000 were injured in attacks and firings by law enforcement agencies and armed cadres of the Awami League. Many of the injured lost their eyes, limbs, and other body parts. For this massacre, I hold responsible the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, Awami League leaders at various levels, DMP Commissioner Habibur Rahman, and others who were in commanding authority, as well as those who directly opened fire.

Tribunal: Why do you hold Hasina responsible?

(Exhibit – the videos are displayed in court and their authenticity is verified by the witness).

Prosecutor Explanation: How everything changed within one day, where family members could not meet them, but the next day, due to DB’s threat, they were forced to say that their children were well in DB custody. And it is clear in the video that the witness and Nahid Islam have cannulas attached to their hands, which makes it clear that they were picked up from the hospital.

In the video, coordinator Nahid Islam is seen reading a written statement in the DB office. Beside him are this witness along with other coordinators (total six people) taken to the DB office. Cannulas, applied from the hospital, are visible on the hands of the witness and coordinator Nahid Islam. In the video, the witness’s mother along with several family members of other coordinators are seen.

The investigating officer interrogated me. (Witness)

Prosecutor: What is your demand from the Court?

Witness: I seek exemplary punishment for the individuals involved in this incident. This is my deposition.

Cross-Examination: The Defense Counsel asks for time to read the deposition, but Chairman Justice Mr. Mojumder asks why notes were not taken earlier and why the questions were not specified. He tells the Defense Counsel to perform their duty properly, otherwise, he will cancel their appointment.

Cross-Examination on behalf of present Accused Arshad Hossain:

Prior to the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, I was first involved with the student unions named Chhatra Odhikar Parishad and Gontrantrik Chhatra Shakti.

I was involved in the 2018 quota reform movement but was not in any leadership.

After the High Court’s verdict on June 5, 2024, to reinstate the quota, we started the movement under the banner of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement with 58 coordinators and co-coordinators.

During the movement, I was studying for my Master’s at Dhaka University.

We ourselves decided to continue the movement while the appeal against the High Court’s verdict was ongoing.

There was no political party’s incitement in it.

There was no main person in the movement. The status of all coordinators was equal.

We used Facebook and WhatsApp as means of communication.

A case was filed against me and several other coordinators at Shahbagh Police Station during the movement.

Curfew was imposed on various dates during the movement.

There was no foreign incitement behind the one-point demand; we decided it ourselves.

We, the protesters, created the fund for the expenses of the movement.

I was approximately 200 meters away from where the police fired in Chankharpul.

It is not true that it is impossible to see the scene of the shooting from that distance.

At the time of the incident in Chan Khar Pul, I did not see members of any force other than the police.

No police member was injured or killed at the spot.

I am unaware of any police member being injured or killed during the movement.

It is not true that I gave false testimony.

Cross-Examination on behalf of present Accused Sujon and Nasirul:

It is not true that the government voluntarily cancelled the quota system in 2018.

The government was forced by the pressure from the protesters to cancel the quota system.

Yes, an appeal was filed from the Attorney General’s office against the High Court’s order to cancel the quota system.

Yes, the Appellate Division changed the High Court’s verdict and set a 7% quota for appointment in government jobs.

I did not take those killed in the Chan Khar Pur area on August 5, 2024, to the hospital, nor did I participate in their funeral prayers (Janaza).

Other protesters took them to the hospital and participated in the funeral prayers.

During the July Mass Uprising, almost one and a half thousand students and people were killed, and 30,000 were injured in the attacks and shootings by law and order forces and armed Awami League cadres.

It is not true that these accused are innocent.

Cross-Examination on behalf of present Accused Imas Hossain:

Cross-Examination Declined.

Cross-Examination by Learned State Defence Counsel on behalf of fugitive Accused Habibur Rahman Habib, Kumar Chakraborty, Shah Alam Md. Akhtarul Islam, and Md. Imrul:

It is not true that DMP Commissioner Habibur Rahman Habib and Kumar Chakraborty, Shah Alam Md. Akhtarul Islam, and Md. Imrul are not involved in the July movement killings.

It is not true that the wireless message I mentioned, attributed to DMP Commissioner Habibur Rahman, was AI-generated.

It is not true that the DMP Commissioner did not give any such wireless message.

It is not true that these accused, being government officials, merely performed their duties according to the law for the purpose of maintaining law and order and protecting life and property.

It is not true that these accused are innocent and that I gave false testimony.

The next date for this case is October 26, 2025.