Prosecution application for framing charges

This is an unofficial translation of the first part of the application that deals with “historical” background.

1. The history of fascist Awami misrule and the background of the July Revolution of 2024:

Anti-discriminatory revolutionary students and masses of Bangladesh, through the “July Revolution” that took place from 01 July to 05 August 2024, overthrew the authoritarian, fascist, and totalitarian dictatorship of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

To suppress that student-public movement, certain killer members of the law-enforcement agencies loyal to and politically backed by the Awami League government under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, together with Awami League, its associate bodies, and the 14-party alliance’s cadre forces, committed systematic, widespread attacks and political-target-based persecution.

Through these acts, more than fifteen hundred (1.5 thousand) Anti-discriminatory unarmed students and civilians were killed, and countless people were seriously injured, including the commission of various types of crimes against humanity.

Therefore, to uncover the causes of the crimes committed across the country until Sheikh Hasina fled in the face of the revolutionary student movement, it is necessary to analyse and consider the important matters stated below regarding the Awami League’s period of rule:

1.1 The historical background of Awami misrule and fascism –

Awami League’s First Period of Rule: On 20 June 1949, at 150 Mugaltuli, Dhaka, under the leadership of Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani as President and Shamsul Haq as General Secretary, the Awami League first emerged. After Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, the Bangladesh Awami League began its journey under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Although the country began its journey based on the core spirit of independence democracy, freedom of expression, respect for differing opinions, and the promise of building a happy and prosperous nation however, gradually, due to the corruption, looting, smuggling, terrorism, and various illegal activities of leaders and activists at different levels of the then Awami League, public life became unbearable. Even though the main objective of independence was to establish a happy, prosperous, corruption-free, and inequality-free democratic society where people would be able to express their opinions freely and exercise democratic rights.

Formation of Rakkhi Bahini (1972): The first instance of state repression and torture in post-independence Bangladesh began with the formation of the Rakkhi Bahini on 7 March 1972, allegedly to improve the law-and-order situation as an auxiliary force to the army. This force was given unrestricted authority to exercise power without any accountability. As a result, members of this force began committing widespread killings, looting, torture, and various types of crimes across the country. (Source: “Bangladesh: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Regime”, pp. 75–86.)

First Parliamentary Election (1973): Ignoring public opinion and due to the failure of the Pakistani military rulers to transfer power to elected representatives, the democratic aspirations that led to the people’s war for the creation of a desired Bangladesh by seven and a half crore Bengalis were undermined in the first general election of 1970. Although at that time there was no individual or political party capable of challenging Sheikh Mujib and the Awami League, with the intention of monopolizing power, the general election of 1973 was turned into a farce. Through abuse of power, ballot stuffing, and electoral fraud, 293 Awami League candidates were made winners. Only two opposition candidates were shown as elected. To defeat the heroic freedom fighter and Commander of Sector 9 of the Liberation War, Major M. A. Jalil, the ballot boxes from his constituency were brought to Dhaka by helicopter without counting the votes on-site, in violation of the rules, and he was forcibly defeated. As a result, the country effectively began moving towards a one-party rule, where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party Awami League became the embodiment of absolute authority. (Source: Mohiuddin Ahmad, “How the One-Party Government Emerged”, Prothoma Prokashon, p. 265.) (Source: Mohiuddin Ahmad, “The Election of ’73”, Prothoma Prokashon, pp. 289–291.)

Famine of 1974 as a Consequence of Misrule: As a result of this misrule of the Awami League government, a devastating famine occurred in 1974. According to government reports, 27,000 people died, while non-government estimates place the number at about 1.5 million. (Source: Mohiuddin Ahmad, “The Famine of 74”, Prothoma Prokashon, p. 505.) Images of Basanti wearing a veil to dispel sham. It remains a globally remembered symbol of famine even today. At that time, dogs and humans were seen eating from dustbins side by side.

The Burial of Democracy and Formation of One-Party Bakshal: The lifelong cherished democratic aspirations and consciousness of the people of Bangladesh were crushed when, on 25 January 1975, the 4th Amendment to the Constitution was passed in the National Parliament within just a few minutes. The Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, i.e., ‘Bakshal,’ was established, and all other parties were declared banned, instituting a one-party rule. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was granted absolute power to establish one-person and one-family rule. Except for four government-controlled newspapers — Dainik Bangla, Daily Bangladesh Times, Daily Bangladesh Observer, and the weekly Bichitra — all newspapers were shut down. At the same time, these four papers were brought directly under government control. Strict censorship was imposed on news dissemination and publication. (Source: Bohiuddin Ahmad, Ekdalio Sorkar Jevabe Elo, Prothoma Prokashon, pp. 275–277).

The public was liberated from the fascism established through Bakshal with the regime change on 15 August 1975. Welcoming this change, people everywhere celebrated, ignoring the evening curfew. Later, to apologize for establishing a one-party rule and for the wrongdoings during Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s era, the Awami League, under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership, came to power in 1996. Once in power, they again began corruption and plundering in various economic sectors. Through embezzlement and money laundering, they destroyed the stock market. As a result, in the 2001 elections, they were defeated by the Four-Party Alliance. Subsequently, domestic and foreign actors halted national parliamentary elections, and a military-backed government under Moeenuddin Fakhruddin came to power, bringing the Awami League back to power in 2008 through rigged and questionable elections. After coming to power, under Sheikh Hasina, the Awami League transformed into a more terrifying autocracy than Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and began plotting to re-establish a Bakshal-style one-man rule under the guise of democracy.

1.2 Fifteen Years of Awami Misrule and Fascism:

From her swearing-in as Prime Minister on 6 January 2009 through 5 August 2024, under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership and control, the Awami League regime became characterized by killings, both judicial and extrajudicial, killings in custody, enforced disappearances, illegal detention, abduction, torture, rape, sexual harassment, extreme disrespect for human dignity, intimidation, excessive use of force, disregard for rules and regulations, disproportionate force against opposition members, illegal mass surveillance, suppression of freedom of speech, and other everyday violations. Political and administrative officials knowingly or through effective control, supervision, and targeted oppression committed the aforementioned crimes. During her 15-year rule, Sheikh Hasina used the Awami League’s social, cultural, political, and media organizations, as well as specific individuals, to carry out these heinous crimes in a well-planned, systematic, and repeated manner, constituting “crimes against humanity” against the people of Bangladesh. Moreover, by inciting internal conflicts within law enforcement, civil and military administration, judiciary, and educational institutions, as well as politicizing religious and state institutions, misusing power, and making arbitrary decisions, the Awami League government gradually weakened institutions that play a crucial role in upholding the rule of law, democratic accountability, and checks and balances, ultimately transforming the governance system into a fascist entity.

Destruction of the Electoral System and Democratic Process: Upon returning to power through rigged and conspiratorial elections in 2008, the Awami League consolidated power for 15 years by conducting the subsequent three national parliamentary elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024 as voter less, sham, and staged elections, thus establishing a fascist regime.

1.3 The Seizure of Power by the Awami League in 2008 through Conspiracy and the Abolition of the Caretaker Government:

During 2006, while Bangladesh was under a caretaker government, the Awami League, with the collaboration of domestic and foreign conspiracies, created a chaotic and conflict-ridden situation in the country, forcing the President to declare a state of emergency on 11 January 2007. This crisis had its origins in the havoc caused by the so-called ‘Logi Meeting’ on 28 October 2006. On 12 January 2007, under the initiative of senior officers of the armed forces, a so-called caretaker government was formed as an alternative to the non-partisan caretaker government described in the Constitution. This government, led by former Bangladesh Bank Governor Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, came to be known as the “One Eleven Government” or “11-1 Government.” With the direct support of the military, this government conducted a so-called anti-corruption drive, failed to implement the ‘Minus Two’ formula, and manipulated the boundaries of 130 constituencies to favor the Awami League. It also illegally released Sheikh Hasina under Section 401 of the Criminal Procedure Code, thus arranging the conditions for her participation in elections. (Source: Daily Ittefaq, “Awami League Benefited by Changing Boundaries of 130 Constituencies,” 29 October 2023, https://www.ittefaq.com.bd/709327)

At that time, Army Chief General Moeen U. Ahmed negotiated with India’s then Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee regarding the Awami League’s victory in the subsequent elections and demanded guarantees for a safe exit after the elections. Pranab Mukherjee reportedly provided him such assurances. (Source: Mukherjee, Pranab, “The Coalition Years, 1996–2012, Rupa Publications India Pvt. Ltd., page 88) subsequently, through domestic and foreign conspiracies, the One Eleven Government facilitated the Awami League’s return to state power through the 9th National Parliamentary elections on 29 December 2008. In the election, the Awami League won 230 seats, while the BNP secured only 30 seats. Afterward, to consolidate its power, the Awami League government, using the pretext of a controversial ruling by the Appellate Division led by former Chief Justice A.B.M. Khairul Haque, passed the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 2011. This politically motivated move abolished the widely accepted and non-partisan caretaker government system. (Sources: 1. BBC Bangla (2020, 1 September), “Caretaker Government System: How It Was Abolished and What the Constitution Says,” https://www.bbc.com/bengali/news-53987702; 2. The Daily Star Bangla (2024, 10 January), “Military Control Over the State: A History and Context,” https://bangla.thedailystar.net/literature/history-thedition/history/news-612301).

1.4 Voter less Election 2014:

Under the Awami League, the 10th National Parliamentary Election on 5 January 2014 was a controlled, one-sided election aimed at solidifying the government’s power. From the announcement of the election schedule on 25 November 2013 until the day before the election, 126 individuals were killed, and on Election Day alone, 18 people were victims of killings. Amidst widespread uncertainty about the election, India’s then Foreign Secretary Sujata Singh arrived in Dhaka on 4 December. Following meetings with her, Hussain Muhammad Ershad was instructed to withdraw the nominations of his party’s candidates and announced that he might commit suicide fearing arrest. This was a betrayal of the nation because, although Ershad publicly claimed he would not participate, he secretly remained active in the elections from Combined Military Hospital. Later, Ershad told journalists, “If the Jatiya Party does not participate, Islamist groups including Jamaat-Shibir and extremist sectarian fundamentalists will rise and come to power.”

In this blueprint for a one-sided election, the Election Commission played a crucial supporting role. Before the election, Awami League candidates were elected unopposed in 153 constituencies. Voting took place in only 146 constituencies on Election Day. The highest voter turnout recorded was 5%. It was a failed election. Through this one-sided election, Bangladesh began once again on the path toward one-party autocracy. (Sources: 1. Electoral Integrity Project (EIP) Report; 2. Hosain, Akbar. “Election 2014: How Awami League Held One-Sided Poll on 5 January Amid BNP Boycott,” BBC Bangla, 29 December 2023, https://www.bbc.com/bengali/articles/e9731dzg4gdo; 3. Islam, Manjurul. “2014–2018: ‘Questionable’ Elections Under Party Rule,” Prothom Alo, 5 January 2024, https://www.prothomalo.com/opinion/column/38zuxxooox; 4. Riaz, Ali. “Shifting Tides in South Asia: Bangladesh’s Failed Election,” Journal of Democracy 25, no. 2 (2014): 119–130, https://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2014.0034)

1.5 Midnight Election 2018:

The 11th National Parliamentary Election on 30 December 2018 was a monopolized election controlled by the Awami League government. Similar to 2014, there was skepticism among opposition parties about participating in the election under a party-led government. After the 2014 election was widely criticized domestically and internationally, the Awami League government adopted a different strategy in 2018 to ensure that opposition parties would appear to participate. Despite the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s promises of a fair election, opposition parties were restricted in various ways. Before and after the announcement of the election schedule, nearly 5,000 (five thousand) “missing” cases were filed against opposition party leaders and activists across the country. Moreover, on the night before the election, in almost all polling centers, supporters of the ruling Awami League and its coalition candidates, with the assistance of the administration, pre-sealed approximately 80% of ballot papers. On the morning of election day, before voting began, various media outlets reported videos of ballot papers being stuffed into boxes. Furthermore, the polling centers were entirely under Awami League control. Inside the centers, doors and ballot papers were manipulated in favor of government-backed candidates. Extensive violence was reported both before and on the day of the election. In this context, opposition parties announced a boycott of the election. Former Election Commissioner Mahbub Talukder, in his book Nirbachonnama, explained in detail that the conditions and results of the 11th National Parliamentary Election were abnormal, describing it as a “midnight election.” Domestic and international media and observer organizations raised multiple questions about the 2018 election, with some labeling it a “midnight vote.” The Japanese ambassador to Bangladesh reportedly commented that he had heard of ballot boxes being pre-filled the night before, which he had never encountered anywhere else in the world. Through this fraudulent and irregular election, the Awami League formed the government for a consecutive third term. Across Parliament and beyond, the ruling party established unchallenged dominance. Bangladesh’s democracy, freedom of speech, and constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights were undermined, which later played a significant role in consolidating Sheikh Hasina’s government power. (Sources: 1. Violence subsides as campaign ends, The Daily Star, 29 December 2018, https://www.thedailystar.net/bangladesh-national-election-2018/news/violence-subsides-campaign-ends-1680289; 2. Kadir Kallol, “Parliamentary Election 2018: How the 30 December Election Took Place,” BBC Bangla, December 2019, https://www.bbc.com/bengali/news-50916704)

1.6 “Me and Dummy” Election 2024:

Through the 12th National Parliamentary Election held on 7 January 2024, the Awami fascist government carried out brutal repression and widespread human rights violations to consolidate its power. To prevent opposition parties from participating in the election, the government used the courts, sentencing over 2,000 opposition leaders and activists in more than 200 cases across various judicial courts in Dhaka and other parts of the country. Even deceased individuals were sentenced. The ruling Awami League filled prisons with political opponents. Since all opposition parties rejected this one-sided election, the fascist Awami League government directed its own party activists to participate independently as “dummy candidates” to portray the election as competitive to the world. However, the public also boycotted the election because the Awami League and its party-backed dummy candidates were the only participants. As a result, the polling centers were devoid of voters. This election came to be known as the “Me and Dummy” election.

In this way, through the rigged 10th, 11th, and 12th National Parliamentary Elections, Sheikh Hasina extended her power while systematically violating the fundamental human rights of the people and consolidating her control. (Sources: 1. Mahmood, Faisal. “Sheikh Hasina wins fifth term in Bangladesh amid turnout controversy,” Al Jazeera, 8 January 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/1/8/sheikh-hasina-wins-fifth-term-in-bangladeshmid-turnout-controversy; 2. Human Rights Watch, 26 November 2023, “Bangladesh: Violent Autocratic Crackdown Ahead of Elections,” https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/26/bangladesh-violent-autocratic-crakedown-ahead-elections 3. Human Rights Watch, (2024, January 11), “Bangladesh Repression, Security Force Abuses Discredit Election” https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/11/bangladesh-repression-security-force-abuses 4. Rana, Masud. “Sentence of BNP Leader Who Died Four Years Ago,” Kalbela, 20 November 2023, https://www.kalbela.com/courtlaw/40942).

Pervasive Political Misuse and Corruption across All Branches of the State:

1.7 Malfeasance in the Governance and Executive Branches

Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina institutionalized her autocracy by nominating various notorious criminals and mafias to parliamentary seats. In the 2018 elections, one MP (Kazi Shahidul Islam Papul) was sentenced in a Kuwaiti court for human trafficking and smuggling, forcing the government to annul his parliamentary membership. Another MP, Anwarul Azim Anar, was involved in smuggling, drug trafficking, and other crimes and was brutally killed in India. Furthermore, Sheikh Hasina’s cabinet included ministers involved in corruption, stock market plunder, and money laundering. Government officials across various levels of the executive branch also engaged in money laundering, reportedly transferring 28 lakh crore taka abroad over the past 15 years.

With laundered funds from Bangladesh, corrupt officials and political leaders illegally acquired property in Toronto, Canada, in areas such as Begumpura. Money launderers often renounced Bangladeshi citizenship to acquire foreign nationality, benefiting from foreign investment incentives. Others invested laundered funds abroad and acquired dual citizenship. (Source: Faruq Wasif, “Begumpura’s Masters and the Turtles Selling the Country,” Prothom Alo, 7 March 2024)

Moreover, investigations by the Anti-Corruption Commission revealed that 24 ministers, state ministers, and MPs of the Sheikh Hasina government held dual citizenship, violating the Constitution and the law. (Sources: 1. Prothom Alo, “28 Lakh Crore Taka Laundered During Awami League Rule,” 2 December 2024, https://www.prothomalo.com/business/economics/ghnepvzdti; 2. Prothom Alo, “24 Ministers and MPs with Foreign Citizenship,” 5 November 2024, https://www.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/st@gdtaah3).

1.8 Celebration of Corruption in the Name of Development Projects by Sheikh Hasina and Her Family:

During the rule of the Awami League government, an average of $16 billion was illegally laundered abroad each year, equivalent to 3.4% of Bangladesh’s annual GDP. Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, her younger sister Sheikh Rehana, and other family members embezzled vast sums of money through widespread corruption and transferred it abroad. In addition, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her son Sajeeb Wazed Joy reportedly laundered $300 million (30 crore dollars) in the United Kingdom.

Through the mediation of her niece Tulip Siddiq, Sheikh Hasina finalized the Rooppur Nuclear Power Project deal with Russia. In return for this mediation, Tulip Siddiq, Sheikh Rehana, and several family members reportedly received 30% of the laundered money. Following these allegations, Tulip Siddiq was forced to resign from her position as the UK Treasury Secretary. One of Sheikh Hasina’s advisers became so notorious for corruption that society began referring to him as “Darvesh Baba.”

Beyond Sheikh Hasina’s family, government-supported business groups caused irreparable damage to banks and other financial institutions through various forms of corruption. Among these loyal business groups, the “S. Alam Group” alone reportedly laundered 1,32,245 crore taka to Singapore, Malaysia, Cyprus, and other European countries through different institutions (according to the latest available information). Additionally, Awami League leaders and activists at all levels were involved in extensive corruption and money laundering.

(Sources: 1. The Business Standard (Bangla), “Economic White Paper – $16 Billion Laundered Abroad Annually During Awami League Rule,” 1 December 2024; 2. Daily Jugantor, “Corruption in the Hasina Family – ACC Investigation Reveals ‘Cat in the Bag,'” 24 December 2024 https://www.jugantor.com/tp-firstpage/894415 , 3. Daily shomokal, “Hasina‑Joy Under Pressure Amid $300 Million December Money Laundering Investigation,” 23 December 2024, https://samakal.com/bangladesh/article/271731/, 4. Daily Inqilab — “Allegation of Taking £400 Crore Bribe Against Tulip”, 19 December 2024. https://dailyinqilab.com/national/news/713351, 5. BBC, “Tulip Siddiq resigns as Treasury Minister”, 15 Jan 2025, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/clyk2e7x42zo, 6. Daily Manab Zamin — “112,245 Crore Taka Laundering, CID Investigation Against S Alam Group”, 31 August 2024. https://mzamin.com/news.php?news=125372).

1.9. Cult of Personality and Familial Succession:

Since the Awami League believes that only Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the sole architect of Bangladesh’s independence, it portrays him as a kind of familial political heir and presents Sheikh Hasina, as his daughter, as the “guardian of the nation.” Various places in the country are named after members of the Sheikh family. To ensure the security of Sheikh Hasina, special laws are enacted; personal events of the Sheikh family are celebrated as national days; and any statements or writings considered disrespectful to the Sheikh family are prohibited and punishable. These measures constitute a severe degradation of Bangladesh’s democratic norms and attempt to establish a form of personality- and family-centered autocracy.

Even constitutional amendments have been made to require the display of images of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and, as Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina herself in all government and public institutions. Thousands of crores of taka from the state treasury have been spent nationwide to create murals, sculptures, and portraits of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Educational institutions are compelled to observe various days, including death anniversaries, and to display his murals and statues in order to present Sheikh Mujibur as a deity-like figure in front of young children. Schools and offices are required to place “Mujib Corners,” keep books related to Sheikh Mujibur, and display official letters and documents with logos bearing his image.

Hundreds of institutions, roads, bridges, and culverts are named after various members of the Sheikh family. Birth and death anniversaries are celebrated; drawing and sports competitions are organized to present Sheikh Mujibur as a venerated figure. The total cost of installing statues and promoting devotion to Sheikh Mujibur exceeds four thousand crores of taka. Print and electronic media are regularly compelled to publish and broadcast programs glorifying Sheikh Mujibur.

1.10. Partisanization of the Judiciary:

After coming to power through the 9th National Parliament elections on 29 December 2008, the Awami government focused intensely on the partisanization of the judiciary. In 2011, the desired caretaker government was annulled through a controversial verdict by Justice A.B.M. Khairul Haque. In his brief order dated 10 May 2011, he issued a ruling in a manner that, under the pretext of consolidating Sheikh Hasina’s power, fundamentally altered the legal process, constituting a serious violation of judicial authority and a breach of law and the Constitution. As a reward, after retirement, he was appointed Chairman of the Law Commission.

Similarly, other serving judges of the judiciary were given undue and unintended privileges, thereby compromising the integrity of the judiciary. Justice Md. Akhtaruzzaman, after sentencing the leader of the main opposition party, Khaleda Zia, to 35 years in the RIA Orphanage Trust case and 7 years in the Zia Charitable Trust case, was appointed as a High Court Division judge. When Justice M. Inayetur Rahim increased the 5-year sentence in the Zia Orphanage Trust case to 10 years, he was appointed as a judge of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court. Even A.H.M. Shamsuddin Chowdhury Manik, an Awami League leader and British citizen, was appointed as a judge. (Sources: The Daily Star (Bangla), “Khaleda’s 7-Year Jail in Zia Charitable Trust Case,” 29 October 2018, https://bangla.thedailystar.net/nocie/100186 2. bdnews24.com, “Orphanage Corruption: Khaleda’s Sentence Increased to 10 Years in High Court,” 30 October 2018, https://bangla.bdnews24.com/politics/article/555377.bdnews).

During this period, the judiciary became the main instrument for suppressing opposition parties, dissent, and freedom of speech. Many human rights activists—including Adilur Rahman Khan Shubho, ASM Nasir Uddin Elan—journalist Mahmudur Rahman, as well as political figures, ordinary students, and dissenters, were subjected to false cases, detention, and prison sentences. When former Chief Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha attempted to establish Supreme Court control over lower courts and annul the 16th Amendment of the Constitution, the then fascist Awami government, angered by his actions, subjected him to harassment and forcibly compelled him to leave the country. Judges such as Shahed Nuruddin and Imrul Kayesh, among others, carried out judicial repression against opposition party activists through rulings and orders, gaining recognition as government loyalists, and were subsequently appointed as High Court judges.

Additionally, lower court judges were transferred, mentally harassed, and intimidated, while some overly compliant judges were rewarded, thereby bringing the lower courts under government control. In this way, the judiciary became the main instrument for suppressing opposition, dissent, and freedom of speech. Judges Enayetur Rahim, Abu Zafar Siddiqi, and Abu Ahmed Jamaddar publicly delivered political statements. Former Chief Justice Obaidul Hassan, violating rules and procedures, accepted political honors.

(Source: The Daily Star (Bangla), “Using DGFI to Force Me to Leave the Country, Says Hasina,” 24 August 2024. https://bangla.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news-608311).

1.11. Pilkhana Tragedy:

As the first step in establishing fascist rule, the Awami League government, led by Sheikh Hasina, took measures to neutralize the military. Immediately after assuming power, on 25–26 February 2009, at the BDR (now renamed BGB) headquarters in Pilkhana, Dhaka, 74 people—including 57 patriotic and capable army officers—were killed under the pretext of a so-called mutiny.

During the supposed rebellion, the Awami League government did not take swift action to rescue the trapped officers. Instead, under the guise of discussions, it delayed intervention, thereby creating the opportunity for the killings to proceed unhindered. Facing strong public demand, the government formed a mock investigation commission regarding the BDR mutiny, which excluded the real conspirators and released a fabricated report.

(Source: Bangla News 24, “BDR Mutiny—What Happened That Day,” 25 February 2022. https://www.banglanews24.com/national/news/bd/914314.details)

1.12. Shapla Chattar Massacre:

On 5 May 2013, Hefazat-e-Islam, a non-political coalition, organized a peaceful gathering at Shapla Chattar in Motijheel, Dhaka, demanding the enactment of a law to punish objectionable and disrespectful remarks about Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and to prohibit un-Islamic activities such as obscenity and indecency.

The Awami League government, led by Sheikh Hasina, and their loyal administration, in order to disrupt Hefazat-e-Islam’s program, imposed a “blackout” in and around the gathering late at night and carried out coordinated operations by the police, RAB, and BGB, named “Operation Secure Shapla,” “Operation Flush Out,” and “Operation Capture Shapla.” During the operation, defenseless and unarmed civilians, including orphaned madrasa students present at the gathering, were brutally attacked and countless people were killed, with their bodies forcibly disappeared.

To prevent the public from learning about the brutality and massacre, two electronic media channels — Diganta TV and Islamic TV — which were broadcasting live, were immediately shut down. Journalists who came to report on the gathering were forcibly removed from the site. As a result, it became difficult to know exactly what happened that night. Various sources report differing numbers of casualties. According to the international media outlet The Guardian, more than 30 people were killed that night at Shapla Chattar. Additionally, BBC reported that 27 people lost their lives.

However, the then Awami League government attempted to justify the killings carried out deliberately against Hefazat-e-Islam’s activists. Human rights organization Odhikar reported in 2013 that 61 people were killed during the operation at Shapla Chattar, following which its secretary and human rights activist Adilur Rahman Khan Shubhra and director ASM Nasir Uddin Elan were subjected to legal persecution under the Digital Security Act 2018 through a cyber tribunal and were sentenced.

In this way, the Awami League government deliberately carried out the massacre while suppressing freedom of expression to conceal the brutality. To divert attention, false cases were filed against Hefazat-e-Islam activists, and, with the help of certain journalists, the government conducted false news reports and various types of propaganda.

(Sources: Prothom Alo, “What happened at the Hefazat gathering at Shapla Chattar on that night of 5 May?” 5 May 2024, https://www.prothomalo.com/politics/aul77seups BSS News, “Two-year imprisonment for Sadipur and Elan,” 14 September 2023, https://www.bssnews.net/bangla/national/106344)

1.13. Extrajudicial Killings and Enforced Disappearances:

During its tenure, the Awami League government became synonymous with the oppression and suppression of any dissent, including political opponents, human rights activists, and any form of alternative opinion. To systematically eliminate political rivals and silence dissenting voices, elite or special government forces were “militarized.”

According to the human rights organization Odhikar in Dhaka, more than 700 people were subjected to enforced disappearance under the Awami League government between 2009 and 2023, with over 150 of them never traced. According to the Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), 611 individuals went missing between 2009 and 2023, of whom 383 remain unaccounted for. Additionally, the international human rights organization Human Rights Watch reported 86 enforced disappearances in 2021.

These statistics from domestic and international human rights organizations indicate the scale, brutality, and specific trends of human rights violations under the Awami League administration. The intensity of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances was so severe that, in December 2021, the United States imposed sanctions on Bangladesh’s Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) for grave human rights violations. Investigative reports from international media also revealed that victims of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings were often illegally detained in secret facilities under the strict supervision of the Awami League administration. Through such enforced disappearances, a “culture of fear” was created among dissenting individuals and the general public. Thousands of individuals from all walks of life—including ordinary citizens, workers, daily laborers, farmers, professionals, political activists, writers, journalists, teachers, students, bloggers, poets, artists, cartoonists, and religious leaders—were victims of extrajudicial killings and disappearances.

According to the interim report published by the Enforced Disappearances Commission, victims and their families have suffered horrifying circumstances. The first interim report names numerous individuals and details the enforced disappearances. (Sources: Desh Rupantor, “Families waiting for 416 missing persons,” https://www.deshrupantor.com/532654 Enforced Disappearances Commission, Interim Report)

1.14. Role of Anisul Haque in Suppressing the July Mass Uprising (Repression through the Digital Security Act):

By January 2023, more than 7,000 cases were filed under the Digital Security Act, 80% of which were initiated by Awami League supporters. The victims of these cases were critics of the government, opposition party members, journalists, and people from various walks of life.

Through arbitrary, unchecked, and politically motivated judicial power, Sheikh Hasina used the courts as a political tool to consolidate her autocratic rule. As a result of this repression, dissenting writers, journalists, students, politicians, and ordinary citizens were harmed. Writer Mushtaq Ahmed died in police custody as a result of such persecution. Under the Digital Security Act, political activists, journalists, students, and ordinary citizens were the most frequent victims of arrests and prosecutions.

(Source: Dainik Ittefaq, “Writer Mushtaq died in custody,” 26 February 2021, https://www.ittefaq.com.bd/225292)

1.15. Public Hardship Due to Rising Commodity Prices:

During its 15-year rule, the Awami League government, which came to power promising rice at 10 Taka per kilogram, has caused extreme hardship for the general public due to abnormal price hikes of essential commodities such as rice, lentils, oil, as well as electricity, gas, and water. Inflation in Bangladesh reached record levels over several years. The unusual increase in the prices of essential goods made life extremely difficult for low- and middle-income people. At the same time, a shortage of foreign currency reserves, widespread corruption, large-scale capital flight, and non-performing loans worth thousands of crores of Taka in the banking sector severely damaged the national economy. Consequently, the living standards of ordinary citizens deteriorated day by day. During Sheikh Hasina’s continuous rule, hundreds of thousands of crores of Taka were looted from Bangladesh. These funds were transferred through major international banks, including Swiss banks, to countries such as Canada (Begumpura), Dubai, Singapore, and others, where Awami League looters established second homes. Billions of Taka were embezzled from the stock market, leaving ordinary investors ruined.

As a result, public resentment against the government intensified day by day. This suppressed anger later erupted, spreading like wildfire from movements such as the quota reform protests to broader popular dissent. (Source: BBC Bangla, “Prices of essential goods have soared uncontrollably over the last 15 years,” 13 June 2024, https://www.bbc.com/bengali/articles/e/00vzwgaz70)

Politics of Hatred and Social-Cultural:

1.16 Legitimization of Persecution of Dissenters:

Misuse of the Terms “Razakar” and “Spirit of the Liberation War”:

Since the birth of Bangladesh through the 1971 Liberation War, aimed at establishing social equality and justice, the fascist Awami League has attempted to divide the nation by capitalizing on the Liberation War. The party portrayed itself as the force supporting the Liberation War while branding anyone with opposing views—especially those with Islamic inclinations—as enemies of independence, Razakars, or collaborators. This was a method of dehumanization. By misrepresenting the history of the Liberation War, the Awami League government portrayed its loyalists as the “forces of independence” and labeled opposition parties and dissenters as “anti-independence forces” or “Razakars,” thereby creating a “divide and rule” political strategy. As part of this, the party and selected cultural figures—including certain writers, journalists, and intellectuals—used these derogatory terms and narratives in literature, plays, and other media. Later, during politically motivated movements in Shahbagh demanding justice for crimes committed during the Liberation War, terms like “Razakar” and “Jamaat-Shibir” were excessively used to justify insult, harassment, and even the killing of individuals.

Consequently, countless young people across the country were persecuted, tortured, and killed under the label of “Razakar” or “Shibir.” Even individuals without any connection to these groups were targeted; for instance, poor tailor Biswajit in Old Dhaka was labeled a Shibir member because of his beard, and BUET student Abrar Fahad was brutally murdered under suspicion of Shibir affiliation.

1.17 Anti-Discrimination Movement and the Razakar Label:

It is noteworthy that before any genocide and crimes against humanity, there is a cultural and psychological preparation process, one of the main components of which is the use of insulting and derogatory language. Throughout history, hate speech has been used in various contexts: in Rwanda, the Tutsis were called “cockroaches”; in Nazi Germany, Jews were called “rats”; in Bosnia, Muslims were called “Jagars”; in Myanmar, Rohingyas were called “Bengalis” or “intruders”; and in Darfur, Sudan, Africans were labeled “Guns.” Such language not only spread hatred but also legitimized violence against the respective groups.

Similarly, with the aim of brutally suppressing anti-discrimination protesters, they were repeatedly labeled as “Razakars” to legitimize persecution and oppression against them. On the afternoon of 14 July 2024, in a press conference, protesters were depicted as Razakars, children of Razakars, and grandchildren of Razakars. On the same day, in protest against Sheikh Hasina’s use of the term “Razakar” for the protesting students and her aggressive language, students across Dhaka University and the country rallied, chanting slogans such as: “Who are you, who am I, Razakar Razakar, who said who said, dictatorship dictatorship.”

In this way, the peaceful and non-violent movement of the anti-discrimination students gradually transformed into a public uprising. Later, on 15 July, in an emergency press conference at the political office of the Awami League Chairperson in Dhanmondi, Awami League General Secretary and then Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader made provocative statements targeting the protesters, saying, “Those who hold the mindset of Razakars are also Razakars.” Even in the National Parliament, then Agriculture Minister Matia Chowdhury, addressing students protesting for quota reform in 2018, stated, “We will deal with the children of Razakars.”

(Source 1 | BBC Bangla, “So will the grandchildren of Razakars sing?”, 15 July 2024, https://www.bbc.com/bengali/articles/cp68w0042190 2. Daily Bangladesh Pratidin, “Those who hold the mindset of Razakars are also Razakars,” 16 July 2024, https://www.bd-pratidin.com/first-page/2024/07/16/1010776 3. Bangla Tribune, “We will deal with the children of Razakars regarding quota reform: Matia,” 10 April 2018, https://www.banglatribune.com/national/313063)