Trial of Hasanul Haque Inu
Translation of News24Bangla interview with Inu
This is an unofficial translation
Presenter: The anti-discrimination student movement. This movement began earlier on the first of July with demands for quota reform, and continued through the twenty-second of July. Several violent incidents took place on Bangladeshi soil during this period — chase and counter-chase, clashes, confrontations, deaths — we have seen a great deal, and then curfew. What is the current political situation in Bangladesh? What should be done at this moment, what political decisions ought to be taken — it is these matters we wish to discuss today. In our special interview, our guest today is Hasanul Haq Inu, president of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal — JSD. We welcome you to our programme. What we want to know from you is this: given the political situation unfolding right now — on one side the quota movement, on another the curfew, and on another the government’s position — what, in your view, should the government actually do from where things stand?
Hasanul Haq Inu: The incidents of killing that have occurred over the past few days centred on the quota movement — the fact that students have been killed — this is a deeply tragic development. First and foremost, I extend my condolences to every student, every ordinary person, every journalist, every police officer who has been killed. At the same time, I would hope that the government will immediately take responsibility for the families of those killed and make every effort to provide proper compensation. Those who have been injured and are receiving hospital treatment — the government should take charge of and bear the costs of that treatment as well.
Presenter: Was the government truly unaware that a particular faction might exploit this quota movement for political ends? We have been hearing this for a long time. Even so, why was no agreement reached with the protesters earlier? Because the government kept saying that what the protesters wanted and what the government wanted were essentially one and the same — there was no real disagreement. So why did this delay occur?
Hasanul Haq Inu: There is no conflict between the quota movement by students and the government. This is because the government itself abolished the quota [system] in 2018. It has been abolished. A certain party went to court. The court will deliver its verdict. Everyone has seen this as a normal process. What I felt was that opportunists could insert themselves here as a third party, meddle, conspire, and instigate conflict. Despite this concern, I observed that the government moved slowly in resolving the quota movement and at times I saw it moved at a sluggish pace. This has not benefitted [the government/helped the situation] — rather, it gave the conspirators an opportunity to brew trouble . On the other hand—whether it was a mistake or for whatever reason—incidents like deploying police inside campuses to launch baton charges, or drawing the Chhatra League into the conflict, further fueled the situation. Everything combined caused the quota movement to take the form of a violent conflict. I must admit these mistakes and failures—a negligence did occur on our part. This is a mismanagement of mitigation, of failing to resolve things swiftly. Here, opportunists have become embroiled in a vile political game aimed at overthrowing the government. You may want to overthrow a government. I have no objection to that. Change the government, there is no objection to that either. You should openly declare that you will wage war against the state, that you will carry out a revolution. In countries where revolutions have taken place in the past, where there was armed conflict, they did so by declaring, “I am going to overthrow the government”. You want to launch a revolution without making any political declaration [ie working covertly toward that end], while simultaneously launching attacks and waging war on the national broadcasting center and communication networks—that simply cannot be right. This is what we call terrorism.
Presenter: With regard to these various audacious acts — we know that the government has always had prior intelligence, that there is an information network, that the intelligence services are there. They have information about how such events might unfold. Was the government unable to anticipate this? How could such events come to pass, or how did the intelligence apparatus fail so catastrophically?
Hasanul Haq Inu: How much intelligence was provided, I cannot say. How much the head of the government was alerted, how much the administration was put on notice — that I do not know. But the scale of violence that occurred was akin to a wartime situation. Because in the past, under extraordinary circumstances that cannot be managed through normal means—such as natural disasters, floods, epidemics, or the Holey Artisan attack—the army has been called in. This does not mean the civilian administration has failed. It is simply an additional task that falls outside the scope of the civilian administration’s standard capacity. When the civilian administration is unable to handle that specific task, the army will step in to do it.
Presenter: On the day the curfew was imposed, a meeting had also taken place between the 14-Party Alliance and the Prime Minister. Did you offer the Prime Minister any specific advice on that day?
Hasanul Haq Inu: The single piece of advice given at the party meeting was this: given the situation that has developed — since the student movement has turned violent and the nature of the assault on state institutions suggests that a declaration of war against the state has effectively been made — under these circumstances, bring the situation under control. .
Presenter: She listens to your advice?
Hasanul Haq Inu: We have been together for a long time. We have participated in many movements together. Sometimes we listened to her advice. And sometimes she sometimes listened to our advice. All of these elements make us the fourteen parties alliance.
Presenter: So from the first of July to the fifteenth of July — fifteen days — many people were already sensing that this movement was taking a violent turn. During that time, what advice were you giving the prime minister?
Hasanul Haq Inu: The meeting that was supposed to take place — with Obaidul Quader saheb — we kept trying to arrange consecutive meetings. But due to his other engagements he was unable to sit with us. Unfortunately, he could not be present for a number of scheduled meetings due to strange coincidences. Had those meetings been held, we could have given our views.
Presenter: And the quota protesters are still saying they have not abandoned the field. They have fallen silent for now, issued demands — but if those demands are not met, they say they will return to the movement. In that case, is there a chance things could deteriorate further?
Hasanul Haq Inu: In answer to this I would say — I would tell the students — that the students’ core demands have been met. There is no longer any political reason to keep the movement alive over subsequent ancillary matters. So I would say to the government: sit down frequently with the students, find out what they have said, and implement it — bring the students back to their classrooms. A detailed account of the losses and damages needs to be produced—not only regarding the damage done to public life, and state installations were not damaged*, but also looking at how to resolve the losses where private shops were burned down.
Presenter: There is enormous pressure right now — from the government and from leaders — regarding an account of losses and damages. A question is being raised very intensely among people on Facebook and social media: is the cost of structures higher, or the cost of human lives? Given how much we are talking about the destruction of structures, how much are we actually speaking about human lives? What would you say to that?
Hasanul Haq Inu: The value is definitely higher. Those on Facebook who have been saying this are playing politics with it. The state, after all, is a sacred thing. The value of life is higher. The BNP’s agenda actually is that not just the swapping of Sheikh Hasina’s government, [what is] the BNP’s agenda? To blow away everything that is in favor of the Liberation War. Through this violence, you have burned down the office of the freedom fighter. It has been burned in the district. Through this violence, Bangabandhu’s mural has been vandalized. [Even] if that is not spoken out loud, it comes out [via their acts] that they want to form a government of a Razakar militant Jamaat, [and this is what] the public [should] consider if that is beneficial for the country.
The constitution, parliament, the armed forces, the administration — all stand together. Against them, against the violence, against terrorist mayhem — not against the students, not against the people .
Presenter: On this violence — we are calling it perpetrators of violence, we are calling it attackers, we are calling it saboteurs. The government side has said directly that this is the work of BNP-Jamaat. That means there is specific evidence in the government’s possession confirming that this is the work of BNP-Jamaat.
Hasanul Haq Inu: BNP supported the quota movement. It did not utter a word against the violence. There one can suspect that BNP leaders and workers — and when we see in the field, BNP leaders and workers of various units are engaging in violence on the streets. It’s as true as the daylight, that many Jamaat-Shibir BNP from various districts of Bangladesh have taken up positions in Uttara, Dhaka. [They] Have taken up positions in Badda, have taken up positions in Rampura, Banasree, Jatrabari, Mymensingh, Shewrapara, Kazipara, in these places. Those who were involved in the violence, many [among them] have been arrested, who were not residing in Dhaka. Therefore, some information is indeed there. And there is the matter of BNP’s political role and its questionable role.
Presenter: That means there is some evidence, and alongside that, BNP’s silent role in this — it appears to you for the time being that BNP-Jamaat has been driving this conflict. On whether any other party is involved in this episode, we want to speak briefly. After a short break you will continue watching this special interview with JSD president Hasanul Haq Inu. After the break, welcome back once again to this special interview with JSD president Hasanul Haq Inu. We are talking about the quota reform movement and, in that context, the current political situation and the direction that politics is heading. Before the break we left you with a question: you repeatedly mentioned BNP-Jamaat. Apart from them, are there any other parties involved? Or at this moment — the Awami League has divisions within itself in different ways and even among the fourteen party alliance. A few days ago, we saw that a kind of discord that exists, and we did not actually see much evidence in the field of the Awami League moving together in a united way during this quota reform movement. Apart from the third-party BNP-Jamaat, is there anyone else responsible for this incident?
Hasanul Haq Inu: At this moment, there is no such position in which I think any other party is involved here. Looking at the scale of the violence, it seemed to me that rather than the BNP, I will give more emphasis on the Jamaat-Shibir militancy, who in the past had carried out organized terrorism. During the time of the arson terrorism and during the time of the militant havoc. During the time of Shapla Chattar. Following that thread, I am saying, after seeing that nature, it appeared to me that this is not anyone else’s work except theirs. Those who have carried out militant terrorism, are they shedding any tears for the student who died? Have you seen [that happening] to this date? Jamaat-e-Islami is involved in this militant terrorism. They didn’t ask the state to ensure that the government provides (support and compensation) for the family of the boy who died. They are using this as an issue to defeat the government. If the quota movement is not a movement to overthrow the government, then let the BNP openly say, “We will launch a movement to overthrow the government.” If that is the case, then let them say it out loud; we will consider it, and they can certainly demand a one-point demand. But how will you overthrow the government? You will not do it constitutionally, you will not do it through processions, you will not do it through strikes, and you will not do it through sit-in strikes. Instead, you will do it by burning down the Secretariat. Say it openly, so we understand that you intend to burn the Secretariat, burn hundreds of buses, and set fire to the universities. We understand that this conflict has reached such a scale. But you say you will bring down the government — I say, Alhamdulillah. Any political party can definitely want a change of government and can launch a one-point movement. I welcome it; let them wage that movement. Some are saying, as I saw in the newspapers, to change the government through elections. But at the time of the election, you fold your hands and legs and run away. Or you fight at the polling centers. The violence that occurred in a single day—go do that violence at the polling center, let’s see you do it with the public. No, no, no, no, three elections went by. Back in 1996, Sheikh Hasina had indeed invited Khaleda Zia to become the Home Minister and offered her a ministry in the interim government, but she did not open the door. She boycotted it and unleashed militant havoc across the entire country.
Take the Narsingdi jail: nine militants were transferred there just two months ago. How did you get that news? You cannot release those prisoners just by breaking the main gate; they were held all the way at the back. They crossed five or six gates to rescue those specific prisoners. Combining everything, it appears to me that a well-coordinated, organized Jamaat-Shibir militant clique did the main work. And the BNP’s field workers have vied to keep pace with them.
Q: Is there any foreign pressure on the government at this moment?
Hasanul Haq Inu: There is no such pressure. Foreigners have already raised a question about the elections. They raise a question about democratic norms and practices here. There is that debate. I think this movement proved, this violence proved that the BNP-Jamaat militant Shibir’s armed activities still have efficiency and capability in Bangladesh It proved that they have not all been destroyed, as the administration has been saying for a long time – that this is not correct. It seems to me that no, they have not been wiped out. They can rear their heads. There is that proof. And then [it has also been evident] that our police administration and a section of the civilian administration were unable to properly manage the situation and took some unnecessarily damaging and excessive steps — which I feel should be brought under review and corrected. Third is the movement. The quota movement proved that, when it came to confronting street violence, the Awami League as a party failed to deliver despite having direct orders from leadership. And I will not comment on myself. In recent meetings between the Awami League leadership and their grassroots, they themselves admitted that the party’s grassroots committees failed. As an ally party, we believe this failure of the Awami League needs to be thoroughly scrutinized. I think their internal party conflicts, combined with the deep divisions caused by internal corruption, are the two factors that kept their party completely inactive when it came to confronting the situation this time. The party chief really needs to look into why the Awami League failed. This also proved that opportunity-seeking third parties can take any groundless issue and transform it into terrible violence, playing games to overthrow the government. Political matters must be dealt with politically. Relying on the administration and bureaucrats to handle them—I will say this is absolutely not the correct method. This crisis proved that as well; it simply did not yield good results.
Presenter: You said there was no foreign pressure. But there was foreign instigation behind this conflict.
Hasanul Haq Inu: In this matter, the government will be able to tell more, even more well, whether there was this foreign instigation. However, whether certain states are satisfied regarding the Sheikh Hasina government of Bangladesh abroad, in whichever way you explain that, you do that. But as of this moment, I cannot make any statement based on concrete information.
Presenter: A great deal has happened surrounding the quota movement. In the end, the protesters stated they would agree to a five percent quota, but the government set it at seven percent. Following that decision, it was noted that women’s and district quotas still remain under consideration. There are many underprivileged districts and disadvantaged women across the country. Do you believe these specific quotas should be re-introduced or maintained? What is your view?
Hasanul Haq Inu: In principle, I am in favor of the women’s quota, and I believe it actually needs to be increased a bit more. However, since the High Court has taken a position on the matter, the government has included a clause stating that they can modify it through future discussions. It is nothing urgent and can be looked at down the road; the government will decide how to approach it through further dialogue. As for those who led the quota movement, while I support their stance on this point, I am not actively playing any role to push for it at this moment.
Presenter: The government has restricted internet usage at this moment. How justified do you consider this? Should it be reduced further or should it be fully restored?
Hasanul Haq Inu: This is a question of livelihood. People rely on communication not for spreading rumors, but to earn their daily bread. Therefore, I believe the government of Bangladesh, local businesses, and individuals are all suffering because of this. They should open up the internet and simultaneously take strict measures against those who are spreading rumours.
Presenter: Around this movement we have seen quite a few rumours circulate. Khaleda Zia died, Sheikh Hasina fled the country — we heard rumours of this kind. Do you want to say anything to the people?
Hasanul Haq Inu: Do not fall for rumors. Don’t chase after a kite just because someone claims it stole your ear—check your own ear first. Furthermore, I would urge the government to realize that rumors only thrive when the authorities fail to keep the public informed with accurate facts. Provide information and give clear accounts of what happened; that is how you keep the public reassured.
* The addition of the word ‘not’ in this sentence could be a mistake in the Bangla transcript of the TV interview.